Epävaltiot Libanon ja EU

Tarina ei ollut meikäläisen vaan libanonilaisen maroniittikristityn Christelle Khreichin 🥱

Tässä se Shiplerin artikkeli, jossa ei muuten mainita sanallakaan mistään murhaamisista tai silpomisista.

By David K. Shipler, Special To the New York Times
June 21, 1982

FOR CHRISTIAN VILLIGERS,
HAPPINESS AMID RUBBLE

Abdallah Shaya, a 54-year-old gardener with a round, tanned face, found his house amid the rubble of Damur today. Unlike most of the stone and concrete buildings in the hillside village, it was intact, somehow spared the flying shrapnel from the bombs and shells that had ravaged the town and filled the streets with dust and chunks of rock.

”For seven years I have not passed this doorstep,” he said as he stood outside, savoring the moment. Then he strode into his small dwelling and began to look around.

Damur, just south of Beirut, was a Christian village until January 1976, when its population fled an assault by Palestinian and leftist forces fighting in the Lebanese civil war. For nearly seven years, until the Israeli Army attacked and captured it last week, the town was inaccessible to its own people; the Palestine Liberation Organization made it a stronghold, using the churches as firing ranges and armories. Church Covered With Slogans

A huge new church, left unfinished by the fleeing Maronite Christians in 1976, is covered with spray-painted Palestinian nationalist slogans and plastered with posters of Al Fatah, the main P.L.O. arm, and other Palestinian factions.

On an inside wall where the altar was to have stood, two bull’s eyes can be seen in faded paint, the stone in and around them roughened by bullet holes. Above them, where a cross would have hung, a triangular P.L.O. symbol is painted in the Palestinian nationalist colors of red, green, black and white, framing a silhouette of a rifle and a hammer. High in the belfry, a concrete cross has obviously been used as a target over the years, for it is chipped and gouged in a thousand places.

A mortar on wheels stands inside the church’s big doors, along with a jeep and a military truck. Posters on the walls show the Star of David being shattered by a wedge drawn in the Palestinian colors. In a once-elegant old church next door, crates of ammunition and drums of fuel are stored.

One corner of the old building was hit by a bomb or an artillery shell during the Israeli attack, and its heavy stone blocks tumbled into a narrow street. But the new church was carefully and successfully avoided; a building just 30 feet away lies in complete ruins, evidently hit by an aerial strike that left the church unscathed. Christians Tentatively Returning

After Israeli troops took Damur and drove the Palestinians out, Prime Minister Menachem Begin announced that the Christians, whom Israel has supported for several years, would be allowed to return and rebuild. And now the first few former residents have tentatively come to pick through the rubble and see what remains.
Nothing of Mr. Shaya’s own things were left. The couches and chairs askew in the living room, the dirty pots and pans, the women’s makeup on a corner table, the plastic flowers, the beds with their charred mattresses and sheets as if a small fire had raged -these belonged to the Palestinian invaders, not to his family.

The floor was littered with fragments of glass. A large poster of Yasir Arafat, the P.L.O. leader, hung on the living room wall. Mr. Shaya, in tears and anger, grabbed it and tore it down, tearing it into shreds and throwing it onto the floor. A desk blotter, with a portrait of some leader he did not recognize, he could not tear, and so he bent it and sailed it out the door across a wall and out of sight.

”My family had lived here for 200 years, since the beginning of Damur,” he said. ”We worked in the orchards, grew lemons.” That pleasant, pastoral life ended in 1976. Since then, he said, ”we have all been dead. If somebody doesn’t have a home and doesn’t have a village, what does he have to live for? Now we have started to live. My age is one hour old.” ’What More Can I Say’

Mr. Shaya, who fled the Palestinians by sea to the northern port of Junieh and spent the intervening years living in a Christian suburb of Beirut, spoke in a loud voice that rang through the streets of the deserted town. He turned to an Israeli soldier. ”What more can I say than thank you that you brought us back to our place,” he said. ”And God help you to get back to your place.”

Walid Azzi, 27 years old, talked in similar images of death and life. ”Outside Damur I feel myself like a dead man,” he said. ”But coming back here I am very happy.”
What he found was not at all joyous, for his house was gone. ”It is totally destroyed,” he said. ”Nothing remains, absolutely nothing. But we are happy anyway. We are returning to our village, our land. I was very happy. I took some earth and I made it so.” To demonstrate, he grinned broadly, picked up some dust and sprinkled it on his head.

”I am very happy,” he said. ”I can’t explain it. Just because our land is back to us.” And what of the future? ”The Israelis are our friends,” Mr. Azzi said, ”and I hope they stay for some time with us. Our liberty is not sure. But maybe if the big countries make something for us, we will be sure.”
Mr. Shaya saw it in simpler terms. ”God will give all of us more years,” he said, ”and we will all come back and live in this village.”

ChatGPT löysi peräti 2 lähdettä, jotka tukivat väitteitäsi: CAMERA ja JVL. CAMERAn osalta tiedetään mitä varten se perustettiin:
The Committee for Accuracy in Middle East Reporting in America (CAMERA)
Originally an American heavily pro-Zionist lobby group/think tank founded by a Jewish woman named Winifred ”Win” Meiselman. The inspiration to create CAMERA came from Israel’s invasion of Lebanon in 1981, which focused on feeding one-sided pro-Zionist propaganda to the American public. They don’t want fairness, but bias in their favor and are prepared to use McCarthyite tactics, as well as the power and money of pro-Israel PACs, to get whatever Israel wants. JVL:n tarina-aarteisto on niin täynnä Zionistista sontaa ettei siitä sen enempää.

Libanonin sisällissodassa kaikki osapuolet — kristityt falangistit, druusit, shiialaiset Amal-joukot, Hizbollah, PLO sekä Syyrian ja Israelin armeijat — syyllistyivät väkivaltaisuuksiin ja siviileihin kohdistuneisiin julmuuksiin. Yksittäisten todistajien kertomukset väkivallasta ovat osa laajempaa sotatapahtumien kontekstia, jossa väkivaltaisuudet kohdistuivat siviileihin molemmin puolin.

Menachem Begin, joka oli itse pahimman luokan terroristijohtaja ja sotarikollinen on voinut puhua aivan mitä vaan. Heads cut off, Betlehem Road 😵‍💫

Israelin toiminta Etelä-Libanonissa vaikutti merkittävästi Hizbollahin nousuun. Kun Israel miehitti Etelä-Libanonin osana ”Litani-operaatiota” vuonna 1978 ja myöhemmin vuonna 1982 Israelin-Libanonin sodan yhteydessä, se pyrki heikentämään PLO asemaa alueella, joka oli ollut PLO tukikohta. Israelin miehitysalueella, erityisesti Etelä-Libanonissa, Israelin armeija ja sen tukema Etelä-Libanonin armeija (SLA Vapaan Libanonin armeija oli Israelin rahoittama palkka-armeija, jonka tehtävänä on oli estää shiiojen Amal-taistelujärjestöä ja palestiinalaisia hyökkäämästä Israeliin) kohtelivat alueen väestöä kovakouraisesti. Tämä aiheutti merkittäviä jännitteitä erityisesti shiialaisen väestön keskuudessa.

Aluksi monet Etelä-Libanonin shiialaiset suhtautuivat myönteisesti Israelin toimintaan, koska he olivat kärsineet PLO toiminnasta alueella. Kuitenkin Israelin jatkuva miehitys, ankarat sotilasoperaatiot ja siviilien kohtelu käänsivät shiialaisten tuen Israelia vastaan. Hizbollah, joka muodostui 1980-luvun alussa, nousi vastauksena Israelin miehitykseen.

SLA:ta ei ole koskaan tunnustettu kansainvälisesti viralliseksi armeijaksi, minkä vuoksi Yhdistyneet kansakunnatkin on käyttänyt siitä nimitystä ”de facto forces”. Niiden pääpaikkana oli Marjayoun.
SLA nousi Suomessa uutisotsikoihin kesäkuussa 1985 sen kaapattua 25 UNIFIL-rauhanturvaoperaatioon osallistunutta suomalaissotilasta. Vangittujen joukossa oli suomalaispataljoonan komentaja eversti Venni Hakala. Kaappaus sai alkunsa suomalaisten suorittamasta valehyökkäyksestä ja vangitsemiseksi naamioidusta operaatiosta, jolla he yrittivät pelastaa 11 SLA:sta Amal-järjestön riveihin loikannutta taistelijaa. SLA vaati loikkareiden palauttamista uhaten muussa tapauksessa ampua suomalaiset panttivankinsa, joista pääosa siirrettiin SLA:n päämajaan Marjayouniin. Israel syytti suomalaisia puolueellisuudesta, mutta YK:n tutkimuskomission mukaan suomalaiset olivat toimineet täysin oikein. Suomalaiset vapautettiin lopulta tiiviiden neuvottelujen tuloksena viikon kestäneen vankeuden jälkeen. Neuvotteluihin osallistuivat Israelin pää- ja ulkoministerit sekä YK:n silloinen apulaispääsihteeri Brian Urquhart.

Israelin vetäydyttyä Etelä-Libanonista vuonna 2000, SLA hajosi, jolloin monet sen jäsenistä pakenivat Israeliin peläten kostotoimia Hizbollahin sekä muiden ryhmien taholta.